Around the world the way to deal with the aftermath of past violence and police states has yet to come to a definitive closure or method to resolve crimes of the past. Often the ruling class in one era of a society remains in the next era, whether it be a peaceful one or a continuation of state rule. Whether it be in Rwanda and Kosovo in the last few years or currently in places like Iran and North Korea, the dialogue on the past and search for resolution starts with those who have been affected personally, and often leads to at best a national dialogue on the issues of former rulers and regimes. Much of this opening of society started in the 1980s after the fall of police states in Chile and Argentina and has formed the framework for dealing with such atrocities worldwide. Documented cases of those missing have only been produced quite recently, as writers, journalists, lawyers, and activists make public crimes of the past.

On PBS next Monday Director Juan Mandelbaum brings his personal experience growing up in Argentina during the military junta to American networks. Information about the airing of the documentary is listed below:

OUR DISAPPEARED/NUESTROS DESAPARECIDOS is the heart-breaking chronicle of director Juan Mandelbaum’s personal search for the souls of friends and loved ones, idealistic young students and activists, who were caught in the brutal vise of the right-wing military and “disappeared” in his native Argentina during the 1976-1983 military dictatorship. OUR DISAPPEARED/NUESTROS DESAPARECIDOS will air nationally on the Emmy Award-winning PBS series Independent Lens, hosted by Terrence Howard, on Monday, September 21, 2009 at 10PM (check local listings.)

While this blog often addresses issues between nations and between power brokers on many of these nations, it is crucial to view political views from the perspective of those individuals who have suffered personal trials within the context of a larger political events or crisis. I encourage everyone to try to watch the documentary if living in the US or having access to a PBS station. If information for those you living outside to US is made available in accessing the film, I will post further information about dates or viewing times on this blog.

Please tune in!

The yearly two month Cold War between Colombia and Venezuela has come this summer amidst talks between the US and Colombia to place approximately seven US bases in Colombian territory in order to aid US anti-drugs forces. A week ago as a response, Venezuela withdrew its ambassador from Colombia and is threatening to restrict trade relations between the two countries. Claims by Chavez that Colombia is Latin America’s “Israel” has mapped the policy approach Venezuela has taken against Colombia. Some who support Chavez’s point of view echo the same concerns, but support for and against the US and Colombia taking closer security ties has not placed the entire continent against Colombia, in a larger way, actions between Colombia and its neighbors is making Venezuela look more like the region’s “Iran”, as opposed to making Colombia into Latin America’s Israel.

Venezuela, Ecuador, Uruguay and Bolivia have expressed their stance against the US bases, even though there was one US base in Ecuador until recently. Trade restrictions by Chavez against Colombia may refocus attention on the US’s criticisms against a Free Trade Agreement between the US and Colombia, but might backfire due to many US policymakers wishing to not support actions by Venezuela against Colombia. Evidence found by the Colombian military that some critical FARC bases were located in Ecuador lead to an attack last year, culminating in last year’s two month Cold War among the Andean states. Upon analyzing the rubble, more information was found as claimed by Colombia’s government showing support for the FARC coming from Venezuela itself. In reality, claims by Chavez always are measured against his belief that the US will assassinate him, or lead an invasion of Venezuela via Colombia. While this might be at best plausible and very unlikely, Venezuela, as opposed to Colombia have been purchasing some of the best weapons technology worldwide, arming its Air Force with the SU-27 series of fighter interceptors which are continually upgraded and can match any other fighter jets worldwide, especially the 1970s era F-21/Kfirs used by Colombia’s Air force. Venezuela also mobilized its military on the border between the two nations last year after Colombia attacked the FARC base inside of Ecuador in order to prevent an invasion by Colombia inside Venezuela, as claimed by Chavez. While not reported in much of mainstream media, tacit support for the FARC by Venezuela was claimed by Colombian officials as including heavy and advanced weapons from the Venezuelan Army directly, as well as funding for the FARC being signed off by Venezuela’s leaders themselves.

While the debate continues regarding Chavez’s extent of support for the FARC, in the Middle East, Iran’s support for its clients in Hizbollah have been quelled with an open election in Lebanon showing popular support against them and protests in Iran itself showing how media blackouts and oppression of the opposition can only fool some, but not many as young Iranians continue to protest amongst bullets and continually are subjected to torture in Iran’s infamous Evin Prison. The recent referendum allowing Chavez to be elected indefinitely does not hold the same opposition limits as elections in Iran as the electorate still ahs the ability to vote out Chavez if desired. This is not as easy as one would think, as opposition leaders claim that during elections there are numerous acts of opression. One current example is a recent law against media who choose to attack the ruling government, stinking of a growing fight against the opposition, many who claim that in elections they have been not only silenced, but people have disappeared for opposing the Chavez government. This will now become law, unfortunate for any journalists in Venezuela or those who choose to criticize Chavez and plan to work or visit there. While Chavez does enjoy some popular support and has taken many actions to fight against poverty in the region, his support for Iran’s government and against populist support for the opposition in Iran runs against the basic ideologies of Latin America’s populist leader and shows how Chavez’s self interest and power in the region overrides his ideology that the people’s will should control the state. His support for Iran’s government is so absurd that a recent law allowing the Iranian government to execute those Muslims who convert to other religions, including Christianity, would surely persecute those who would convert to the same faith as the majority of Venezuelans share themselves.

The rest of South America has stated passive opposition or simply left Colombia’s sovereignty to Colombia in this policy mess. While many including Lula of Brazil feel that the addition of bases could have been handled more tactfully and openly, in the end the US bases will likely be set in some form or numbers. With regards to Venezuela, a unlikely US attack would more likely come from the numerous bases located across the waters from Caracas in Louisiana, Texas, Alabama and Florida, where a good number of US Forces are based. The support for bases in Colombia in this case does not make a great deal of sense, as unless short haul aircraft are used to track narco-trafficking, many of the air bases in Colombia would be within an hour flight from the US in any case. This is a matter for debate, and I encourage readers to place their comments, but for me the question is not whether or not the US should be able to have bases in Colombia, but more so why would they need them considering the troubles politically having them on Colombian soil?

UPDATE August 8th 2009: According to the BBC World Service Broadcast, Venezuela has now returned its Ambassador to Colombia. Accusations by Colombia today that Chavez has been supporting the FARC may have had some influence on the return of the Ambassador.

The state of Latin America has changed a great deal since the start of 2009. The fate of many nations in the region have been affected by recent losses in oil revenues, problems with financial liquidity and questions about the future of populism in recent economic crisis. Economics, while always an issue in the region has also placed many countries in the position to aid in strategy developments abroad regarding international economic worries while others might have voted in placing wheels on economies in decline. Rights and the changing face of some nations remain undetermined, while bloggers and writers at FPA explore many of these issues in weekly blogs.

The first major change in the region was the referendum on term limits in the Venezuelan constitution. With a slight percentage majority, President Hugo Chavez of Venezuela has won his ongoing battle to allow him to reform the Venezuelan Constitution of 1999 and allow the two term limit of office for the Presidency to be extended indefinitely for elected leaders in the country. Supporters of Chavez and the opposition in Venezuela have vigorously debated on the legitimacy of the vote. Many anti-Chavez activists felt that media suppression, threats, and claims of political violence have arisen out of the last years of Chavez’s Presidency since the loss of the last referendum two years ago. Legal debate on the issue has also abounded as democracy in the country has adopted many legal and political characteristics. A history of the term limits and activities by Chavez and the opposition can be seen here.

The new 2009 FPA Blog on Cuba started last month with many interesting and in-depth posts on the world’s most famous island. The attention on Cuba comes with three major events which will affect the country greatly this year. The 50 year anniversary of Castro’s revolution was celebrated by many Cubans this year, but also frowned on by many anti-Castro activists in Cuba and abroad. A great effect as well is the move from Fidel’s rule to that of his brother Raul Castro. With the health and age of Fidel Castro waning slowly over time and Raul taking up positions of full control, the end of Fidel may come about with celebrations this year as well. With Obama and Raul Castro, there has been a slight move towards a thaw between US-Cuban relations. Some polls suggest that many Americans, and even those in Florida’s Cuban expatriate community have also become more open to relations with Cuba, mind you slight developments only have lead to very slight progress at the moment. The year of 2009 may change things permanently in Cuba if these three elements become larger issues this year.

Another intriguing FPA Blog that will have many crossposts with the Latin America blog is the FPA’s Rising Powers blog. Fascinating posts on Latin America’s influence on the globe have been published, focusing on Brazil and with references to Mexico and their relations to other Emerging Markets have taken shape since the beginning of 2009. With blogs on Latin America, Mexico, China Trade, Cuba and Rising Powers all producing great articles, there will be a lot of future coordination between FPA bloggers in the process. Please refer here to FPA’s Rising Powers Blog where blogger Roger Scher takes a look at Brazil as Latin America’s arising giant.

Hugo Chavez is set to open another referendum on allowing himself to be elected for another term in office beyond constitutional limits, but with the last referendum vote to increase his term in office losing by a small majority and his lack of popularity abroad being adopted by many in Venezuela itself, recent history will likely give him the measure he needs to either win or lose him power beyond Venezuela’s Constitution.

A list of pros and cons would easily draw a deep line on anyone’s page whether or not Chavez is more of a benefit or weakness for Venezuela and its neighbours. Recent diplomacy from Brazil had gained the release of captured Colombian government officials and other kidnap victims from the FARC, an action Chavez accomplished as well last year around the same time. The result was positive in both instances and gave Chavez a lot of clout, but support and documents found by Colombian officials during the two month Cold War between the two countries claimed evidence that Chavez was supporting the FARC in its battle against Colombia as well, illustrated for many Colombians by Chavez’s support for the FARC being recognized as a legitimate governing power after the release of some hostages to Venezuela. Eventually the rift was returned to status quo, and the Colombian government gave the FARC a strong coercive response, weakening the organization and pushing for more assertive diplomacy as video of Ingrid Betancourt and the ability of the Colombian Army made international headlines. Support for the FARC, even in Venezuela could not have helped Chavez, nor had nasty words from the respected democrat of Spain the King Juan Carlos towards Chavez in a public conference, helped Chavez be seen as a democratically elected leader in the process. Despite this, Chavez is still strongly supported in Venezuela. In recent regional elections he gained about half of the vote, and in the past referendum and in recent polls, he could win, albeit by a slight majority due to popular support in the country.

Poverty and rights should be the main focus for elections in Venezuela. Recent moves and disappearances have been brought to light against Venezuela’s opposition leaders, highlighted by the ejecting of officials from Human Rights Watch for a critical report on Chavez’s years in office. In the last month recent anti-Semitic actions in the country that were at least passively supported by the Chavez’s government, came through a policy of advancements towards Iran and comments on the conflict in Gaza. The reduction of oil prices and inflation numbers has brought Chavez closer towards losing financial supports for many of his anti-poverty programs in the last four months. While many of the programs during his term of office supplied much needed anti-poverty measures towards Venezuela and even other private individuals in Latin America, oil revenues may make this more difficult, and may make him lose his popular support to an unknown degree among his supporters in the country and reduce his influence in the region through less aid and loans to other Latin American countries.

Recent changes in the world economy have likely affected Chavez greatly. Some journalists and experts on the region believe this latest referendum is an attempt to gain support before the effects of inflation and the lack of oil revenue hits Venezuela’s poor. Poverty reduction is important for any future leaders of Venezuela, but populism and popular support can be easily lost if the balance of power changes, and funding cannot be provided for political support. With the election of Obama, Chavez has had to appeal in a positive manner towards the US, as did the President of Iran, and try to open dialogue towards the new President as scapegoating Obama would likely hurt Chavez more than help him. With the US regaining some legitimacy post-Bush and Brazil filling in the diplomatic gap with its own non-antagonistic poverty reduction strategies, Chavez might win the referendum, but lost popular support quickly after taking office for a third term beyond his rights in the current Venezuelan Constitution. Moves by Obama might make a world of difference in places like Venezuela and Iran, assertively addressing issues affecting the US, regional peace and minority and opposition rights in Venezuela and similar governments worldwide.

Latin America, while feeling ignored for the better part of eight years was one of President Obama's first international meetings that held the weight of his future power in his discussion with Mexican President Felipe Calderon last week. Mexico has spent the better part of 2008 fighting an intense conflict against internal drug cartels and towards the end of the year Bush and Obama have set to dedicate $400 million to help counter the violence taking hold in Mexico. Called the Merida Initiative, it mirrors aid sent to Colombia that started nearly eight years ago to help quell drug cartels in that country. Success of these initiatives has brought on a great deal of criticism, but the attention from the US is often due in these circumstances. With over 4000 deaths due to Mexico's drug war in the last 12 months, Mexico may become closer to the US as violence spins out of control.

Threats to the US since 9/11 have come mostly from non-state actors. From Al Qaeda to drug cartels, the method to fight them often is unknown as popular movements motivates unknown people to seek fortune, political change, extreme ideals and in almost all cases are fuelled by poverty. With the exception of agreements made with North Korea, George Bush was seen by many as a reflection of overbearing power that the hegemony of the United States used to enter nations despite local and international protests, in order to serve its own interest and punish others indefinitely. This debate rages on, but in those countries that were not directly in conflict with the US, their leaders often invoked Bush as a scapegoat for problems in their own countries, whether it was America's fault or a way to adjust public perception away from local government errors and policies.

President Barak Obama may change the dynamic of the situation by simply presenting the optics that would reduce the ability of leaders in populist states to place blame on the US for local troubles and push for more populist support among their population. Mexico traditionally has felt strongly influenced by the US, whether the US had great influence or not. Recent cooperation on Mexican security and a reopening of trade ties had brought Obama closer to Mexico, pulling anti-American feelings away from those of Cardenas' nationalisations of the 1930s and enabling a new relationship between the US and Mexico to flourish in troubled times. While this may be temporary, Mexico and the US have learned that they gain nothing from being divisive, and Calderon and Obama will likely not change this in the next four years.

Populism of the past has not been better represented in recent years than with Hugo Chavez in Venezuela, Morales in Bolivia and Castro in Cuba. While Morales exists through popular support internally and from Venezuela, and Castro is coming to the end of his days, Chavez has been able to take popular support and high oil prices in the last few years and apply it to not only anti-poverty measures, but pushing his support beyond Venezuela's Constitution to push for indefinite power. Chavez has been known to quell journalistic opposition by increasingly extreme measures and by placing blame for his country's ills on Bush and Uribe. In very recent history however, three factors have cut Chavez down to the role of elected official where he will have to leave office at term due to lack of popular support. Initially the referendum to increase his term of office indefinitely was rejected by Venezuelans, albeit by a slight margin, and a second try at a referendum drags with it accusations that media and opposition has been attacked or shut down. Nothing makes this clearer as when representatives of Human Rights Watch were assaulted and ejected from Venezuela for their analysis of Chavez during his term of office. The second grand effect was the cutting of oil prices by half, in a country where all other industries have been culled for the sake of oil, which is controlled by the government and is used for political reasons. Talk is never cheap when is it bathed in oil revenues, but Chavez will likely lose a lot of support when he realizes that he lost 40% of his savings, like everyone else has in the last two months. The third possible strike against Chavez is the loss of Bush and America as scapegoats for problems faced by Venezuela's people. Obama, which not yet addressing Latin America beyond the meeting with Calderon is not seen as a divisive figure in Latin America, and comes off more as someone who could have easily grew up in the streets of Havana or Caracas as opposed to growing up through the military like Chavez or as inheriting his position as President through channels in the upper class in a region where wealth and poverty is the determining factor of power in society. While this might not eliminate the US or even Obama as being seen as abusing the power of a hegemony, it will simply show the US as a country where any citizen can come to power through their own efforts, a reality that does not exist in Venezuela or few other states.

The greatest challenge to Obama might be that of the Middle East, and he is very aware of this fact. With conflict in Gaza, the government of Lebanon being challenged daily by Hezbollah, Iraq and Afghanistan and Pakistan to boot, Obama will have to challenge issues and popular support in many of these regions, and as a result have to solve issues by coming to terms with populism and policy in Iran which could easily tilt the region to peace or chaos if support in Iran allows for it. While many Middle Eastern experts see anti-American sentiment as justified or simply as political posturing, the reflection of support and opposition in political movements in a country like Iran has never been simple rhetoric. Opposition in Iran goes well beyond simple human rights abuses and has gone to the point of the murder of local and foreign journalists and politicians, the legislation of laws allowing the execution of coverts and the arrest of Baha'I leaders for the second time in a generation, the first being murdered in prison and the most recent being taken without charge in a continual attack on minorities and political opposition in Iran. These incidents are few examples of a long list of abuses ignored by the international community. Populism in Iran could go in either direction, as the country has one of the highest number of people under 35 and also has been greatly affected by the change in oil prices, which could lead to a situation of grave unemployment and populist leaders to gain a great deal of power if a tone of anti-Obama or conflict through Hamas or Hezbollah can place Obama in the same light as Bush when attacks or retaliations are claimed by allies of populists in Iran or nations allied with the US in the region. While poverty, oil and political repression abounds in many countries in the region, Obama will likely lose any support in the region, and has already been attacked by regional media on his first day in office. The strength Obama has in this case is that the silent opposition and those who are at the receiving end of threats by Iran's populists could change their tone when oppression and Barak Hussein Obama challenges, builds and offers and alternative to threats by someone who is a non-traditional leader of the free world. This however will never succeed if an America based on a just tradition will not push for justice of those in the region who are sitting in prison waiting for the day of their possible execution. While Chavez will likely lose his seat in power, Iran's populists sit at the centre of a peace process in the region. Compromise and posturing is common in populists movements, but human rights should be at the forefront of any actions taken in the region for President Obama.

TVO.org out of Ontario, Canada presented a show this week concentrating on Colombia, security, human rights, trade and relations with the US and Canada. The panel consisted of 5 experts on Latin America and Colombia from FOCAL, The Latin America Working Group, The Inter-American Dialogue and a number of North American universities where issues and statistics were discussed in an open and concise manner.

Questions which arose in the discussion surrounded many key statistics. Some notable stats on the drastic drop in crime albeit with a slight drop in narcotics being sold were key issues in the discussion. Internal Refugees also resulted in some shocking discussions. Behind Sudan with nearly 6 million internally displaced people, Colombia has between 2.2 and 4.4 million internally displaced people, second worldwide above Iraq with 2.8 internally displaced people according to the program. Human rights abuses and the opinion of President Alvaro Uribe were also discussed, with the fight against FARC and ELN being compared with threats against native groups and labour leaders in Colombia, balancing rights for some against threats to others.

Colombia's foreign relations and Plan Colombia were discussed heavily. Plan Colombia, which sent $US1.3 billion to curb drug trafficking since 2000 was seen as a failure in many regards by experts on the panel. The result was the militarization of Colombia against internal threats which often were met by a cold peace with its neighbours while bringing Colombia closer to the US and its allies. Recently, trade agreements between Canada and Colombia and talks pushing the US to open a Free Trade Agreement with Colombia briefly brought Colombia's human rights record into debate among US politicians.

For video, show blogs and other info. on the Colombia Panel, please click on the link here.

Guests

Albert Berry is professor emeritus of Economics, and research director of the Programme on Latin America and the Caribbean at the Centre for International Studies, University of Toronto.

Carlo Dade is executive director of the Canadian Foundation for the Americas (FOCAL) where he also directs research programs in Diasporas and Remittances, Corporate Social Responsibility, and Canadian engagement in Haiti.

Lisa Haugaard has been executive director of the Latin America Working Group since June 2002. She has also served as senior associate at the LAWG, where she worked on Colombia and Central America policy.

Cristina Rojas is an associate professor at The Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University.

Michael Shifter is vice president for policy at the Inter-American Dialogue. He is also adjunct professor at Georgetown University's School of Foreign Service, where he teaches Latin American politics.

With the recent anarchy in the global economic system and Macroeconomics textbooks being reedited worldwide, many experts in the field have gone silent or have admitted their inability to predict the latest collapse and inability to give a definitive answer to the problem. In the midst of this chaos, the traditional debate of American foreign policy is taking place, whether to open trade and whither protectionism in order to increase ties among the US and its allies, or whether to close all trade ties, appoint protectionist leaders into the new Administration and hope that countries which have less than reputable human rights records will not recall their loans in an attempt to soften their own economic issues at home. At the heart of the debate is whether the US, the pioneer of open trade in the Americas, should take Colombia as a free trade partner in the future.

With the announcement today of Canada and Colombia signing a free trade deal, the onus of the debate between trade vs. human rights has fallen on the US to determine in this latest round of trade deals with its strongest ally in Latin America. Colombia is an interesting case study indeed. Just a few shorts months ago the Colombian government was able to seriously assault its local terrorist threat, the FARC, with the capture and killing of many of the FARC's top leaders, the rescue of Ingrid Betancourt, and even were able to deal with threats from Chavez and arrange a cold peace and a handshake in the aftermath, all tasks which were unachievable by any of the partners of the War on Terror since 2000. Despite these achievements by the Colombian government, charges against them regarding assaults, arrests and disappearances of labour leaders in Colombia have become a catalyst for opposition in the US towards a US-Colombia Free Trade Agreement. Despite close ties between the two countries, the prevalence of trade between the US and many countries which on equal terms would be considered less democratic and human rights oriented, and the need for the US to reassure its allies of America's distain for protectionism after making it a major campaign issue and a top priority in industry bailout measures at home have become simply forgotten as recent history. The result of the New Economic Order is that Colombia's inauguration as one of America's number one partners has been abruptly forgotten and met with neglect. Many see the trade agreement as a continuation of policies leading towards a Free Trade Agreement of the Americas which has been permanently on hold and a reward to Colombia for beating back terrorist threats in its war against the FARC. Moderate supporters of the trade agreement see open trade as a means to supplement Colombia's illegal exports with legal commodities and give the majority of the country's rural poor an income to rely on that is not connected with the drug trade. Development activities in the past have seen some success with this open trade strategy, giving Colombia the tools to fight the drug trade through economics and bring down trade barriers from the US and even the EU and open agricultural markets abroad to its products. In the end however none of these issues are important, as Colombia has become an experiment in how to judge economic policy in the futurepoor timing indeed!

Among the traditional trade debate, looming issues regarding the financial collapse on the world markets has not merely changed the rules of the game, but has made confident policymaking a thing of the past in many circles. As a reaction to the economic collapse, the traditional closing off of America in times of global war and crisis often leads policymakers to remove America from the rest of the world, push through regrettable policy initiatives without needed moments of clarity and mortgage the future relationships of the US with its allies in order to avoid dealing with issue, which this time around started and will end with the US. The Colombian trade agreement is the first test of America's ability to form a future with allies who rise and fall with the US and its actions, or the beginning of America's fall from hegemony if it chooses to neglect Colombia, and its future allies in the name of temporary comfort in a future which it has gambled away in the short 60 year timespan of the American Empire. Choices in the next few months will determine whether the Americas and the rest of the world will continue into a new century with America as a key player, or return us to a world which looks more like the early 20th century, only with slightly different actors and millions more Japanese cars. Elections and economic crisis come and go, but rhetoric during times of trouble never allow the future to forget poor decisions of the past.

There are a few realities that have hit the world this past year and this past month, to which most of the world has been affected by to some degree. Luckily enough, the issues which affect most Americans have made the greatest impact in the last few weeks of the election campaign, and the decisions people will make when casting their vote will be based on how they wish to change the past, and how they wish to see themselves in the future. Both candidates have accomplished something remarkable. The last two election campaigns offered many a lack of choice in a candidate who they felt would really push the country in a proper direction. Eight years of George Bush, Iraq and Afghanistan, the Economic Meltdown, 9/11 and Hurricane Katrina, have left only candidates who can do the job available to be elected. Both Obama and McCain are good people, and either one is capable of placing their efforts into repairing a slightly damaged, well used and still well running America with a lot of work. Americans can do little wrong in choosing either candidate, but with the election close by and Obama likely to win, the following is a letter to Mr. Obama, and with some luck, Mr. McCain from the rest of the world who does not have a vote, but will be affected by their decisions as much as any American.

To start, the neighbours of the United States should be acknowledged for their constant support and connection to the United States. Canada and Mexico, despite issues of trade and immigration have done much in the last few years to accommodate not just Mr. Bush, but Americans as a whole. Currently Canada is one of the only developed nations who did not face complete economic collapse and places over 90% of their trade with the US. It should be acknowledged that trade and manufacturing in Canada has been hit as hard as in the US, and while NAFTA is blamed on Canada and Mexico, Canada is losing the same jobs, the same companies and the same households to tough foreign competition as much as the US. Canada is one of the world's largest oil producers and has always worked to move US energy out of the Middle East and grow stronger ties with Canada's energy and Canada's economy. Jobs being lost in the US, means jobs are lost in Canada as well. When the loss of jobs is blamed on NAFTA, it focuses energy and time on those who were never to blame for the economic problems in the US. To fight Canada and Mexico is to create scapegoats and lose four more years in improving the economy for all of North America.

With soldiers dying in Iraq, and allied soldiers giving their lives in support of freedom and lives in their own countries as well as the US, Afghanistan and Iraq need to be taken as a whole and the support should be given by the US to help fix problems abroad. According to Southern Pulse in their Oct 28th newsletter, over 4,000 people have died in Mexico's drug war, with 1,000 being killed in the last 50 days. Canadian, French, British and other allied troops have been taking heavy casualties in Afghanistan, making the region into a stalemate over the last 6 years. The worst problems have yet to be approached, with Darfur and Africa having yet to receive tangible attention towards genocides in the region which mirrors Rwanda in magnitude and action from the international community. Security in the United States cannot be achieved when those who support the US are under constant pressure and attack. Mexico has had as many deaths in the last year in battling the drug lords as soldiers have died in Iraq since 2003. A serious attempt in Afghanistan and a creative approach to Iraq must be achieved soon so other regions do not fall into chaos.

Immigration, while being solidified as a failed policy must start to acknowledge the existence of many from Latin America and Asia as players in the social framework, even if the legality of many residents are non-existent, they still are a part of every community in the United States. While illegal immigration needs a cathartic debate in America, those who have suffered from action, namely 2 million Iraqi refugees need to be addressed as well and accepted as people who are running from an Iraq which the US has not been able to claim victory and peace over. No greater respect to US soldiers and Iraqi citizens would come from a realistic approach that helps Americans, soldiers and their families, but also those so many fought hard to save; the Iraqis themselves. The use of the word "Change" and "Pull Out" will not stop violence and death in Iraq, only proper leadership will help end the conflict.

With a world depending on the US economy to operate, those nations in Latin America and Europe need a strong United States that will work and support their nations as those nations wish to work and support the US itself. While there is much criticism coming out of socialist governments in Latin America, the majority of nations who have spent the last few years in cooperation with the US and achieving great stability and peace within their own borders should be supported by the US and credit given to their development. Bad policy has created a situation where Chavez can attack Bush, as failure in leadership creates a large scapegoat, but good leadership with focus the attention on those local leaders like Chavez and allow for those democracies to eject problems in their societies. While not to the same degree, America's European partners have actually moved to re-engage with the US in a discussion to not only repair the current economic troubles, but also to re-invigorate the relationship of values and equality that should have always existed between Europe and the US. Elected leaders in the EU, Canada and Mexico have moved towards policies which have been considered traditionally American, and America will move towards a position where it adopts some trends from its partners, as well as hopefully cultivating respect with Europe and Latin America in the process. The future of the US will come with the future of Europe and the Americas. Leadership will only allow for a successful relationship in the future.

Emerging economies must be addressed to end this letter. China, India and Russia, as well as other nations have achieved a great deal of development, and with recent funds have been able to address national problems of poverty and development, many thought were impossible to tackle only 5 years ago. These countries have a right to compete and gain wealth, but if companies from the US and EU seek to find fortune in those countries and work with local companies which may produce harmful products or take away American jobs, than those American and European companies should be challenged and blame should not be placed on Canada or Mexico, who have lost much as well, and irrational barriers should not be placed on developing economies because companies from the US and EU take advantage of their consumers. To create scapegoats in this debate, is to create a situation where no one can foresee economic troubles, and regulation is left to create blameless policymakers in its wake. The crisis of the last 20 years was always not one of tangible losses, but in confidence, that companies and the government might and have lied to you, and that anarchy is unavoidable when problems ignite. Trade, finance and economics needs to work in society, as a parallel to democracy, in order to allow a leader to create any "Change" that is needed. The world needs a US presence, one with clear foresight and the ability to stop alienating its friends and address real threats to everyone's security. Only an understanding of the world who cannot vote will allow for any positive change to take place. A failure is no longer an option for America and their friends.

In 1973, the murder of elected President Salvador Allende of Chile and many left wing and party supporters became the model of how repression and dictatorship in Latin America would dominate much of the region into the mid 1980s, and for Chile, consume the legal system and keep the nation in traumatic debate well into the new millennium. In a PBS documentary broadcast on August 19th 2008, filmmakers Elizabeth Farnsworth and Patricio LanFranco explore how one of General Pinochet's conservative judges at the time was now in charge of investigating the "disappeared" under Pinochet's rule since 1973. With the debate on Pinochet having its international rebirth in 1998 when he was detained in the United Kingdom on a question of whether he could be extradited to Spain for charges against him for conspiracy in the murders of a handful of Spanish nationals in the 1973 coup, the motivation for Chileans to challenge Pinochet's indefinite power in the Chilean political system and to question the old regime finally was presented to our Judge in charge of rewriting the past of a divided country. In their PBS documentary film The Judge and the General Judge Juan Guzman is interviewed and the past of Chile is examined as we follow his challenge in finding evidence after thirty years and his numerous troubles in charging and bringing justice to many of Chile's most important historical and current leaders.

The reality in Chile is often a surprise for many outside of the country who may not understand how Pinochet remained in power for so long and how a society could be able to challenge their past with many of the key figures in 1973 still obtaining so much influence and support in the country today. Many Chileans who were targeted by the government often left, if able to leave, or were arrested and murdered in their own country for their political ties and ideals. Many Chilean communities arose as refugees since that time and remain as strong contributors to their new nations. Like Judge Guzman himself, many in Chile at the time did not know of the repression occurring in their country, as much of the discussion was closed at the time and since then until relatively recently, and those who were disappeared often received more attention outside of Chile than inside the country. Much of this came in a lack of discussion by the repressed in the country by way of terror by the government, and by ideals which saw left wing movements as creating the narrative in order to unfairly discredit the leaders of the coup at the time. As many did not see in Chile, Guzman himself admitted to being unable to see beyond the political struggle at the time and closed to the limitations of media and the terror which was set upon political opponents of General Pinochet at the time. In the narrative of the documentary Guzman makes the clear point that evidence of the past criminal actions were sunk under the sea, physically and metaphorically, in an effort to erase the "disappeared" from history. Fortunately the Judge was made aware of this fact in his investigation and took to rediscovering the dead off the Chilean coast and finally succeeded in opening a legal case in Chile against its former dictator.

Like many situations of past repression and genocide, nations often are not able to prosecute past leaders of nations as their regime still remains in power or is able to limit discussion of their past actions due to current fears of reprisals in the country. Like Chile, much support in country which historically had strong institutions and government can turn into repression and violence if enough limits are placed on free debate and media, but also where some governments are supported, either innocently or directly, by a populace that may benefit from a change in power in any country. Chile, as a country which had some of the most vibrant political movements in Latin America was torn apart by infighting between left wing policies and violent reactions by right wing movements which set trauma as one of the main characteristics in Chilean society. While Judge Guzman will never fully succeed in his actions, the dialogue itself creates its own value in rewriting a history which has all but disappeared itself. The documentary film can been seen by clicking here.

Last night many Colombians at home and abroad stayed up into the late hours of the night to hear the first free words from the rescued FARC captive and former Presidential Candidate Ingrid Betancourt. Ingrid was captured by the FARC seven years ago during her presidential campaign and has been used as a symbol of fear against the Colombian government and people ever since. Numerous attempts to negotiate via France, the US, Venezuela and Hugo Chavez and through Colombian leaders themselves had lead to numerous failures, until last night when a Colombian rescue operation used internal operatives and complex logistical planning and intelligence that resulted in a rescue that would outshine any of the four Rambo movies. Along with Ingrid, three American hostages were also freed and 14 other Colombian prisoners. The intelligence and raid that lead up to the rescue culminated over the last few months, beginning with Hugo Chavez obtaining the release of a handful of FARC hostages, rapidly leading to a heavy exchange of words between Chavez and Uribe. Increased tensions arose when Colombia took the fight against the FARC to a camp in Ecuador, killing one of their top leaders and a number of other leaders being captured or killed in the following weeks. Another significant event was the death of Marulanda, the top FARC commander dying of a heart attack. With the confusion in the FARC ranks and dozens of desertions, the command and control structure not only gave Colombian Special Forces the opportunity to win back the hostages, but also is slowly degrading the FARC from a force a few years ago of 18,000 members who were perched outside of Bogota, to an estimated force of 9,000 troops hiding in the jungles.

After the festivities subside and the Colombian military and FARC battle it out in ongoing skirmishes, the security and policy changes by this event will likely solidify policy decisions towards either a posture of negotiation with weakened terrorists, or a more likely position of increased military responses towards the FARC. With over 700 innocent captives still being held by the FARC, it is unlikely that such a military operation that was seen last night will be successfully used a second time without a significant reengineering of the strategy to maintain an unchallenged operation in the future. Politically, Uribe has been able to avoid much of the criticism of his government by becoming so successful in dealing with terrorism in his country. While he has made moves to centralize his authority and is trying to extend his presidency to a third term legally, albeit Ultra Vires the powers of the Colombian Constitution, the support he has gained and the successes he has achieved against internal threats in Colombia has produced a real opportunity for Colombia to achieve peace and prosperity after 40 years of war with the FARC.

Colombia in reality has created the only true victories of the last years of the War on Terror, and the previous War on Drugs that is likely the envy of any Bush to have served in the White House. With McCain actually being in Colombia during the events and Obama praising the activities of the Colombian military in rescuing the hostages, the way terrorism may be address in the future may take notes from Uribe's Colombia. Currently the US and NATO is mired in Afghanistan without an end in sight. Iraq and militants in the Middle East as a whole have not been successfully dealt with and often spring up after it is assumed that they have been defeated. Drug traffickers in Mexico, spurred on by money and control of the country are currently taking a page from the FARC, attacking Mexico's leaders and security officials in an effort to place the country and its citizens in fear. Negotiations, while bringing some progress to the situation in Colombia in the past are being heavily criticized in Israel this week as two pilots who are assumed dead are being exchanged for Hizbollah members in Israeli jails, one being a criminal who killed a police officer, a father and his daughter who had her head smashed against rocks in order to end her life. Actively pursuing the FARC has undoubtedly lead to progress towards freeing hostages and bringing peace to Colombia. Globally, unless negotiations in other regions lead to significant gains in the next while, it is likely that Uribe may become the face of successful anti-terrorism in the near future.

And what of Ingrid Betancourt? She may still run for president or simply become the world expert in hostage scenarios and the FARC, claiming she has earned her PhD in the FARC during her time in captivity. While being a compassionate person, it is likely that Ingrid will not have much sympathy for the FARC. Even if the causes of poverty and narcotics in Colombia have to be dealt with, Ingrid will likely acknowledge in her future work and possible presidential campaign that hostage taking, terror, violence and humiliation has no place in any political movement in Colombia or abroad. As for now, she is spending time with her now teenage children and family and recovering after 7 years as Colombia's most notable captive and representative of the soul of her country. For now, her and her daughter and supporters vow to work for the release of the others still sitting in FARC jails inside the Colombian jungle. She thanked Uribe personally last night in a press conference with him and may run again for President. But for nowWelcome Back Ingrid!